The song of Kurdistan met with barking bullets and choking gas

by

In the most authentic sense, the establishment of Rojava will reject the chaos of terror, pursue the enfranchisement disempowered classes of all varieties, and primarily export the culture of democracy. With the keen will power of strong women and men, the tiny of ember of democracy might be carried through the fear burnt lands of the war ravaged region.

Rojava as a cultural boundary is crucial to the proclivity of women’s empowerment and liberation throughout a politically foreboding landscape. Whether that landscape is discouraged by the hyper-religious Saudi Kingdom, or assaulted from the northern Turkish border, people might be free to breath liberating airs that have never been guaranteed. Whether or not you, the reader, agree with the ideals espoused by many Kurdish political groups, Rojava is an opportunity to seize a semblance of order. From such order, a nation can be established in which women are equal to men, ethnic groups of all kinds can find security, and tolerant religious groups are defended legally.

In essence, Rojava is something of a birthright for those who have desired ideological liberty from historically oppressive pseudo-class which has consistently shifted in imagery and desires. Still, the political motivation of historical and modern oppressors are separate from one another; the culture of Kurdish disempowerment had been long ingrained in the psychology of Ottoman imperialism, Iraqi despotism, and death cult Salafism. The song of Kurdistan has rolled off of the tongue of activists for years, only to be met with barking bullets and choking gas.

The Rojavan activist must be primarily concerned with the establishment of a strong political system in order to defend the interests of human civil liberties in the region. One would imagine political support from ideological similar mega-systems would rain down upon the parched lands, though we know this is not the situation. If it is the case that freedom is a virtue of Western nations, American allegiances would not lie with “presidential republics” to the North and the West of the burgeoning revolutionary state.

With the Syrian lynchpin collapsing under its own weight, Kurdish revolutionary activists have once again been presented with the historical opportunity desired for so centuries. As a writer, I am not concerned with altering the inevitable choices of monolithic political institutions and their allegiances (primarily that of the American inclination). Rather we must be concerned with the alliances of the United States between the Saudi’s and Erdogan’s increasingly tyrannical state, and what effect these alliances say about the inevitable opinions of Rojava’s future. Politically speaking, Rojava is sandwiched in between the interests of regional power players and by proxy the interests of any geopolitical powers. The fight for a better future is at the same time the primary motivation for the founders of the nation and tragically the largest boundary to the success of Rojava due to its intellectual radicalism.

Rojava is arguably the only cultural boundary where people actively strive to secure a stable democracy and seek to establish political equality amongst the sexes. Rojava is a requiem for the generations who have toiled fiercely, who have sewn the soil with their blood, who have dreamt of a young nation free. With hope, a democratically inspired country may be the sum of the work of generations and after all, it is not known when the opportunity shall arise again.